

Esta Orden entrar&225 en vigor al momento de su firma, y se extender&225 mientras sean de aplicaci&243 n las disposiciones de la OE-2020-044, o la que le sustituya. The movement has mobilised nationwide and has been instrumental in pushing for a review of defamation laws and a bill that would establish a special investigation agency for oversight of high-ranking public officials.La jueza Aida Delgado-Coln, del Tribunal Federal de Puerto Rico, concedi a Zuleyka Rivera una orden de alejamiento temporal y un cese y desista contra las tiendas Kress, a las que orden abstenerse de vender, manufacturar, mercadear o promocionar, cualquier artculo relacionado a la Miss Universe 2006, mientras se dilucida un reclamo de. CIVICUS speaks to Ranhee Song, General Secretary of Korea Women's HotLine and a women’s rights activist, about the #MeToo campaign in South Korea. 284 de 1999, Ley Contra el Acecho en Puerto Rico, el acecho es un patrn o la repeticin de una conducta mediante la cual se mantiene de manera constante o repetida una vigilancia, proximidad fsica o visual sobre una persona especfica.Ahead of the publication of the 2018 State of Civil Society Report on the theme of ‘reimagining democracy’, we are interviewing civil society activists and leaders about their work to promote democratic governance, and the challenges they encounter in doing so. ‘#MeToo is a feminist movement and feminism perfects democracy’Una orden de allanamiento o registro es el mandamiento expedido a nombre de El Pueblo de Puerto Rico, firmado por un magistrado y dirigido a un funcionario del orden pblico, agente de rentas internas, o inspector de contribucin sobre ingresos, dentro de las funciones de su cargo, ordenndole proceda a buscar y ocupar determinada propiedad.
They felt that despite the fact that she was a prosecutor, she had still not been able to talk about the sexual harassment against her. After the news interview by Ms Seo, many others across Korean society began to join the #MeToo campaign. In Korea there has been a lot of victim blaming, so usually victims could not expose their faces in public. There have been other cases of women speaking out about sexual violence in various places over the past few years in Korea, but the domestic trigger was the fact Ms Seo is a prosecutor and that she went on public TV to speak about her case. After that interview, there was an uproar in Korean society.The mobilisation in South Korea did not differ much from the #MeToo response in other countries. Could you retrace for us the story of the #MeToo movement in South Korea?The #MeToo Movement in South Korea began after a female prosecutor, Ms Seo, revealed publicly in a news interview on 29 January 2018 that she had been sexually harassed by a senior prosecutor in 2010.
Along the way, the #MeToo movement has become wider and has begun to touch on many other issues: gender discrimination in the workplace, anti-feminist bullying, spy cam crime, gender discrimination in investigations and within the judicial system, and so on. Is #MeToo in South Korea mostly about sexual harassment, or does it connect with other issues raised by the wider women’s rights movement?It is mostly about sexual harassment, and its demands are simple: punishment of offenders, strengthening of guarantees of the human rights of those who experience harassment, and changes in the government’s attitude towards sexual harassment.While its main target is the government, our civil culture is also being questioned. What we wanted to show is how big the problem is, and how pervasive.2. Within one month, the list already contained 139 names – which was impressive, given that we only worked with news sources. In that way, the #MeToo movement showed a very clearly picture of the reality of sexual harassment in Korea.At that point, we at Korea Women’s HotLine compiled a list of known sexual offenders. There were a few high-profile cases involving political and entertainment figures, but also countless regular women shared their stories.
We have held discussion programmes with citizens, and we have plans to expand the #MeToo movement.Along with the ‘Citizens Action with #MeToo movement’, many other groups, large and small, have held numerous demonstrations, discussion programmes and lectures. Almost 340 organisations are involved in this group.We organised demonstrations calling for the end of sexual harassment and gender discrimination. This is a network of civil and feminist organisations and individuals. What kind of activities the South Korean #MeToo movement has undertaken, and who has been involved?First of all, we formed the ‘Citizens Action with #MeToo movement’. The changes needed are very profound.3. And within the legal system, victims often must prove how strongly they resisted assault otherwise they are blamed rather than supported.

Many women are saying “we cannot go back to the period before #MeToo.” It has opened so many possibilities to achieve change.The #MeToo movement shows us that we, Korean society, have much work to do.5. But so far, their policies seem very short-sighted.Nevertheless, I think, the indisputable achievement of #MeToo is that women have woken up about the reality of women’s lives in Korea. So, public policy changes must start with that.
Anaïs se desempeña en el Servicio de Atención y Denuncia de Situaciones de Violencia Institucional de la organización y su labor se centra en las violaciones de derechos humanos ocurridas en el marco del ejercicio del derecho a la protesta. Irídia es una asociación de la sociedad civil de Cataluña que combina la intervención directa ante situaciones de vulneración de derechos con la incidencia política y social para promover cambios de más largo alcance en las políticas públicas. The #MeToo movement is a feminist movement, and feminism perfects democracy.Civic space in South Korea is rated as ‘narrowed’ by the CIVICUS MonitorGet in touch with Korean Women’s Hotline through their website, or follow on Twitter‘A diferencia del Brexit, la demanda independentista catalana tiene un componente democratizador’CIVICUS conversa sobre la situación en Cataluña con Anaïs Franquesa Griso, abogada penalista especializada en derechos humanos y movimientos sociales y Directora de Litigio de Irídia, Centro para la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos. People need to learn from this.It was a bit surprising for a movement like this to emerge in South Korea, but at the same time, it was bound to happen sooner or later. Sexual harassment shows very well how unfairly power is distributed.
Esto empezó a cambiar en 2011, con el 15M, un movimiento ciudadano que nació en las plazas públicas de distintas partes del país, primero en Madrid (en la plaza del Sol) y un día después en Barcelona, en forma de acampada, justo después de manifestaciones masivas con el lema “No somos mercancía en manos de políticos y banqueros”. Por ejemplo, antes había un teléfono para emergencias que iba cambiando de número y que solo conocían los activistas, y que para quienes no estaban muy organizados era difícil de acceder. A lo largo del tiempo los movimientos sociales hemos ido creando mecanismos de respuesta bastante efectivos ante la represión de la protesta. Yo vengo del activismo en los movimientos sociales anti-represivos de Barcelona.
Esto se fue generalizando hasta el punto en que recibíamos llamadas de personas que avisaban que acababan de ver a unos chavales que estaban siendo detenidos en las puertas de sus casas, lo que nos permitía triangular información y obtener testigos para procesos judiciales. En las manifestaciones se repartía información sobre qué hacer en caso de detención, el números de contacto e instrucciones para actuar en caso de ser testigo o víctima de violaciones de derechos en las manifestaciones. En ese contexto, ante el aumento de la represión, creamos una plataforma anti-represiva para brindar apoyo legal, psicosocial, económico y comunicativo en caso de detención. A partir de entonces, las protestas se hicieron más frecuentes y mucho más masivas, y entendimos que había que crear algo que fuera más útil para más gente, en especial para aquellas personas que no estaban organizadas.En 2012 la represión se agudizó ante las huelgas generales y las manifestaciones multitudinarias en protesta por la crisis y las medidas de austeridad, por entender que ponían en riesgo derechos económicos y sociales básicos, como el derecho al trabajo, a la educación y a la sanidad. Por ello otros de los lemas que se hicieron populares fueron “¡No nos representan!” y “lo llaman democracia y no lo es”.

